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Vertovec, S. () 'Conceiving and Researching Transnationalism', Ethnic and .com/wp-dyn/content/article//03/02/ARhtml, date accessed 10 October Watanabe, K. () 'The Western Perspective in Yahoo!. Online Dating Safety Tips · Dating Articles and Advice · How Online Dating Works · Success Stories · Dating Tips · Help/FAQs · Contact Us · Site Map · Match. Cheap calls: the social glue of migrant transnationalism. Accessed May 12 stelmaschuk.info .
It was not exactly the best timing for such a trip: It offers an excellent example of the production of meanings attributed to national boundaries and allegiances in these territories, being structured around a double semantic juxtaposition: Although outsiders find this a strange metonymy, this double juxtaposition goes unnoticed by Chilean state officials and non-indigenous people, who did not seem to understand why I was baffled by the attribution of Bolivian nationality to a climatic phenomenon that takes place in the North of Chile.
For them, the rains are a central element to their experience of space, impacting significantly on their productive processes, economic organization, spatial distribution, social networks, and communitarian relationships.
The local Aymara women, who inevitably cringed watching me on more than one occasion, responded with welcoming tenderness to my physical shortcomings whilst acclimatizing. Due to the fair, the border control of people in transit is relaxed from At the fair, the Aymara from all three countries sell their agricultural, handicraft and manufactured products.
They also interchange animals, second hand and new industrial products, and smuggled or counterfeit goods. The street market was thus a singularly curious event: The municipal school and the municipality building had also been renovated and the streets were in the process of being paved.
Since the 90s, the mining boom in Chile has been a new pull factor encouraging migration of the economically active population born in the indigenous highland villages to both the inner mining cities such as Calama and the coastal capitals. But this option was unlikely for that first night, given that the mayor had also gone to the nearby festivities and would not return to the village until the following day.
While I was explaining our situation to her, an elderly gentleman joined our conversation, but he spoke to us in Aymara. The lady, apparently embarrassed by his interference, remarked: Spanish is not usually the first language for the Aymara people of this part of the Chilean Plateau. At this stage in life, when one is inclined to selectively forget certain symbolic structures, the memory of the grandfather remained closely tied to the Aymara language.
Husband and wife started a lively conversation between themselves, discussing who could provide us with shelter. She was in the process of renovating her home to open an informal hostel: Once they had it all decided the husband went off to find the aunt. While waiting, I took the opportunity to buy some food supplies for our stay, and to talk to the lady. She came in dressed in the typical long skirts of the area, with her hair plaited in two braids and carrying a bag of herbs, a gift for her niece.
The grandfather, who was still walking in circles inside the store, greeted her and they spoke in Aymara. They all talked in this same language among themselves most probably arranging the details of our lodging. Soon we were integrated into the conversation, and they explained to us in Spanish the housing conditions. The bedroom had a roof, two mattresses, and Joanna could lend us blankets for the night. The water and the bathroom were outside, in the yard.
It was more than enough, so we went with Joanna to stay in her newly refurbished room, with its tiled floor, adobe walls and zinc roof which provided us with a loud soundtrack when hailstones fell that first night. The room next to our bedroom was the kitchen, which had a wood-fired oven embedded in the wall. Once our luggage was in the room, Joanna looked at me with some concern. It was difficult at first for me to understand her I was not yet familiar with the Aymara accentbut I understood her advice: She sent us off to the only place where we could find some food the dining room of the railway workers.
We ate and retired to sleep before the storm.
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On no account should I wash myself with the cold water from the yard, she insisted: I would most certainly get sick. While we were eating charqui and she was knitting gloves and hats with wool from her own llamasshe told me part of her life story. Her sons had migrated to work in the mining industry: Part of the resources for the work on her house came from these sons, who wanted to bring their own children on summer vacation and to stay comfortably in the village.
The daughters, who lived in Arica, were married and had children. Joanna had many grandchildren, but not one of them had been born in Visviri. She used these trips to trade other products as well: She put down her large knitting needles for a moment to show me, in the back room of the yard, the place where she spun, dyed and dried the wool.
Global Journeys: From Transnationalism to Diaspora.
Adjacent to this space, there was another room where Joanna kept several colorful bedspreads of alpaca wool placed carefully on a plastic sheet that protected them from the floor. She made me feel the bedspreads pointing out that they were of very good quality; that they protected from the cold thanks to their weight which, she commented, was a guarantee of their quality. The fact is that they looked very similar to the ones made on the other side of the border by Bolivian textile manufacturerswhich were sold at various points in the Chilean highlands between Arica and Visviri.
What I did find out for certain is that Joanna was distributing these quilts selling them to the tourist stores in Arica.
Transnationalism in One Country? Seeing Migration in Soviet History
She also traded oregano, coca tea leaves, coca leaf candy, souvenirs and anything else that could be sold at the handicraft fair, where one of her daughters in whose house she usually stayed ran a stand. She told me that her whole life had been spent going up and down the mountains between Visviri and Arica, just like her mother used to do.
The few women who have remained in the village usually live part of the year in the highlands, and part in the coastal city. For women like Joanna, territorial mobility is central not only to their family networks, but also to their economic activities and their role in small-scale trade between the highland and coastal towns following routes used by women since colonial times.
Joanna repeatedly stressed that she liked selling; she was anxiously waiting for the moment to take her things to Arica. For as long as she can remember, she has shepherded llamas through the mountains of the Altiplano.
This work involves many hazards and requires important knowledge and skills. Due to the climatic peculiarities of the Andean plateau, the herds must cover wide areas to be able to feed properly. The shepherd must know the ways that lead to different types of grass and water sources.
He or she must learn to differentiate the hills and furrows so as not to get lost in a terrain of predominately uninhabited lands. They follow millennial grazing routes that are passed down from mother to daughter.
In fact, mothers take their young children with them while shepherding. They transport them in their handmade aguayos a rectangular and colorful fabric that is tied to the back to carry children, food and tools. The itineraries can last many days. As Joanna told me repeatedly, it is a very hard, lonely and dangerous job that requires a lot of effort.
To lose oneself on one of these routes can lead to the death of both the herd and the shepherdess. Failure to reach a shelter may mean having to sleep outdoors, exposing yourself as prey to wild animals nocturnal birds or pumas, for example.
To prevent these misfortunes, the shepherds usually go out armed. The delimitation of the frontiers in the highlands was accompanied by acts of violence from the military from the three national-states. These controls created problems for those involved in grazing activities, because the boundaries have been established, in general, over ancestral routes that connected these highland locations both with cities on the Pacific coast currently located in Chilean and Peruvian territoryand with the plateau cities now located in Bolivian territory.
Pastoralists have had to alter their grazing routes, avoiding crossing those hills that are not part of the Chilean national space and reorienting ancestral paths of herd mobility.
Simultaneously, the territorial and ecological conditions of the Altiplano continue to pose challenges to military technology of border demarcation: None of the three countries has the resources to effectively control all this area. Logically, these practices also involve dangers.
Pastors can encounter random military controls in the hills, having to answer judicially for illegally crossing the border. They can also encounter the various landmines lain by the Chilean army in these border areas. Joanna told me about her fear of them, and stories of shepherds who had been blown up after stepping on one of these artefacts.Transnationalism, Gender and Migration
Joanna resisted and had several clashes with her daughters who did not understand how important it was for her to continue with her llamas. Quitting was not acceptable for several reasons. First, because the herd was a living legacy passed down through many decades: To end this cycle by simply selling the herd was not only morally incorrect: Secondly, she was especially saddened by the fact that, even though she had taught the art of shepherding to her sons and daughters, none of them wanted to take over the activity.
The latter implied a personal frustration in having to face a problem caused by the economic and social changes that have led young people to migrate to the cities. These were changes that she could not control, despite having adapted to them by invoking the strategy of commercial mobility between the coastal cities and the villages of the Altiplano that her mother and grandmothers had already started before her. Finally, who would be left to recognize the hills if all the shepherds stopped climbing the mountains with their animals?
Who would take care of the shelters and the roads? And so, Joanna began the search for a niece or nephew in Visviri who could relieve her of her pastoralist duties. But there was no suitable young person in the town able to do it. The aging population of the village did not help Joanna with her plans, and passing the llamas to someone of her age was not a solution.
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Once again, she decided to pull on the communitarian customs and to use family ties to contact a nephew of hers. He was young, and had knowledge of the mountains of Visviri he learned about them from his father, who was an experienced shepherd. Nevertheless, this nephew the son of a first-degree cousin of Joannahad been born on the Peruvian side of the border.
For our protagonist, delivering her llamas to the son of her Peruvian cousin was much more coherent than extinguishing the herd. She trusted her nephew: He knows the routes. He knows how to count; he is good with the llamas. She was very proud of this solution: In the rainy months, it was not necessary to take them very far, because vegetation is more abundant.
But in the driest and coldest months, her nephew herded the flock to the mountains and could spend one or two months walking them amongst the hills. We arrived early to the TBA milestone.
As early risers, we were summoned by the Chilean, Peruvian and Bolivian military authorities to form part of the flag-raising ceremony in which the national anthems are sung.
Nowhere is this more evident than at one of the sites emblematic of transnational processes: When the United States closed off Chinese immigration in the late nineteenth century, one of the replacement sources for cheap labor came from Mexico, and Mexican workers were soon established as farm workers, miners, and railroad workers in the Far West. With the permeability of the border, however, came anxiety about who could live in, work in, and claim the United States as their home.
The establishment of the U. This process of racial formation, with its creation and solidification of identities, is a transnational process, one that is highly dependent on an imbalance of political and economic power between the United States and Mexico. It is important to note the shifting perception of this population in U. During times of labor shortage, the availability of the Mexican labor pool is viewed as an advantage.
During economic downturns, however, this labor pool is portrayed as endangering the access that citizens have to the benefits of the American welfare state, and unfairly tapping the kinds of the entitlements that the state provides for working-class Americans. The border issue is a highly volatile problem in the early twenty-first century, with illegal immigration cited as a top national priority and increasing militarization at the U.
Larger transnational forces that affect migration, such as free trade agreements that established factories on the southern side of the U.
Indeed, the continuing disparity of economic opportunities between the United States and Mexico has not been addressed by transnational mechanisms of trade, such as the North American Free Trade Agreementwhich has taken down trade barriers such as tariffs, while migrant workers continue to risk life and limb in crossing the border. In a transnational setting, new family forms are negotiated, and community affiliations are both strengthened and changed.
Identity becomes understood as being a process that is marked by different, and perhaps contradictory, loyalties and identifications. Linda Basch, Nina Glick Schiller, and Cristina Szanton Blanc describe the multiple identifications of migrants, and the ways in which they maintain simultaneous identities linked to different nations over the process of migration and settling.
The multiple loyalties are a result of these transnational processes and have an effect on how people negotiate notions of citizenship that are normally tied to the institution of the nation-state.
The cultural realm is often seen as a stage where transnational processes and identifications take shape that involve syncretic practices that fuse different cultural traditions, languages, and genres.
In New York City, where the largest Indian-American population in the United States resides, Sunaina Marr Maira has observed the cultural fusions and identity negotiations of second-generation South Asian youth that take place in dance clubs, college campuses, and other urban spaces.
Often savvier with Internet media and other communications technologies, transnational youth are often at the vanguard of new cultural productions and political mobilization. In addition, new networks built around ethnic identity, social and cultural survival, and political mobilization form as a result of different kinds of displacements.
Nevertheless, identity and ways of understanding identity are increasingly complicated by other competing demands that are highlighted by transnational processes. Notions of race are bound less by national boundaries, enabling political activists and communities to make connections across national borders using a lens of race and racism—connections about structures of power, media and representation, the allocation of resources, militarization, and war.
University of California Press. The Souls of Black Folk. The Wretched of the Earth. Translated by Constance Farrington.